Chapter 43: Chapter 42: A Letter from Afar

No matter how much Americans romanticize the Battle of Texas, it cannot change its aggressive nature, so Franz intended to lend a hand.

The Americans' method of subverting Texas was not sophisticated; they simply used large-scale immigration to dilute the local Mexican population. Like a frog in boiling water, by the time the Mexican government realized what was happening, the number of American immigrants had already exceeded the Mexican population.

Because of the constant friction between the new American immigrants and the local indigenous Indians and Mexicans over water and land, the Mexican government was forced to act, issuing new decrees to prohibit American immigrants from entering.

However, because Texas was vast and sparsely populated at the time, and because the Americans had no intention of complying, Mexico's "Immigration Prohibition Decree" was as useless as scrap paper.

In 1824, under strong pressure from domestic Catholic forces, Mexico announced the abolition of slavery. By 1830, there were no slaves left on the Mexican mainland, except for in Texas.

The American immigrants had no intention of obeying Mexican law; they continued to establish plantations and purchase Black slaves everywhere.

The demand to release slaves was unacceptable to the American immigrants of that era.

One must realize that before the end of the Civil War, Black slaves were a vital economic pillar of the American South.

To cut off a man's livelihood is akin to killing his parents; this ensured that a battle between the Mexicans and these American slaveholders was inevitable.

By 1835, seeing that the time was ripe, the Americans simply incited Texas to declare immediate independence.

Subsequently, the Mexican President led a personal campaign, only to suffer heavy losses at the Alamo and eventually be captured at the Battle of San Jacinto, forcing him to sign the Treaties of Velasco, which recognized Texan independence.

The reason the Mexicans lost so miserably was certainly because the United States possessed far superior military strength and social organizational capabilities, but the Mexicans were not entirely without opportunity; they should have at least been able to tear a piece of flesh away from the Americans.

On January 1, 1836, Mexican President Tacón into decided to personally lead a campaign against Texas.

"Mr. President! Mr. President! You have mail!"

Ruiz, the newly appointed Vice President under Tacón, shouted anxiously.

"Ruiz, you are the Vice President now, not my messenger. As a high-ranking official of the state, you should act like one."

"Yes, sir!"

Ruiz had followed Tacón since his days as a messenger and was Tacón's most trusted subordinate.

Tacón was essentially a soldier; he had no interest in politics but possessed a sensitivity toward power, which did not prevent him from handing all state affairs over to former Vice President Vallias while he hid in the military camps acting as a general.

After obtaining presidential power, the latter sought to make his mark. He first launched a series of government projects, then cut the military, increased taxes, and restricted the power of the Church, resulting in a depleted treasury and widespread resentment.

Finally, under the combined pressure of the military, the Church, and the people, Tacón was forced to remove Vallias and replace him with his adjutant, Lieutenant General Ruiz.

However, this Lieutenant General Ruiz was merely a former messenger, and it was rare for Ruiz to be this agitated.

Tacón became somewhat curious about the origin of the letter.

"Whose letter is it? Let me guess, is it from Andrew Jackson?"

"No, sir, it is a letter from the Imperial Family."

"The Imperial Family?"

"It is a letter from the Imperial House of the Austrian Empire, sir."

Tacón took the letter with some excitement; the signature on it was Archduke Franz Karl.

"You may leave, sir."

"Yes, yes, Mr. President!"

After Ruiz left, Tacón looked at the letter with great emotion because it began with: "My dear brother, Tacón."

This Tacón had joined the army at the age of 16 during the Mexican War of Independence, first joining the Spanish army and later joining the insurgent forces. In 1829, due to his tenacious resistance against the final Spanish offensive, he was hailed as a national hero.

After Mexico's victory, some even called him the "Savior of Mexico," yet Tacón humbly replied, "I am the Napoleon of North America."

At this time, both the United States and Mexico were viewed by Europe as barbarian lands, and obtaining recognition from Europeans was extremely difficult.

And now, a member of the Austrian Imperial Family was actually addressing Tacón as "brother." One must know that after Napoleon III came to power, he struggled to gain recognition from European nations; even the Tsar used the term "my friend" to deliberately humiliate Napoleon.

At this moment, Tacón's mood was as ecstatic as when the nation of Wa received the title "Japan."

After opening the letter, Tacón read two paragraphs and felt in high spirits, already regarding Archduke Franz Karl as his own biological brother.

For such an arrogant person, one naturally had to flatter them first.

Franz highly praised Mexico's act of abolishing slavery, affirmed Tacón's achievements, and strongly condemned the aggressive behavior of the American immigrants.

These were all things Tacón most hoped to see; he was already prepared to send an envoy to Austria to establish diplomatic relations.

Tacón continued reading, and the words that followed left him utterly shocked.

They concerned the current state of Mexico: the country was fractured into many factions, the treasury was in deficit, military strength was severely lacking, weapons were antiques from the last century, and most importantly, there was a traitor by his side.

That there was an American traitor by Tacón's side was Franz's own deduction.

After all, the Battle of San Jacinto was far too suspicious. Setting aside how the Americans managed to cut off the Mexican retreat and succeed in a daylight ambush without the Mexicans noticing, Tacón's line of movement should not have been so easily mastered by the Americans.

One must remember that there were no mobile phones back then; much information had to be conveyed by people.

By the time news reached the camp, troops were assembled, and the infantry arrived, the enemy's retreat should have been cut, and then the ambush launched.

In the end, the Mexican army lost 700 men, while the Texan army had 11 dead and 28 wounded.

If all of this were a coincidence, the odds would be far too low.

Franz believed there must be a spy by Tacón's side; regardless of whether there was truth to it, he would test the waters—just in case he hit the mark.

And the fractured factions, the empty treasury, and the lack of military strength were indeed the current reality of Mexico.

Tacón could not help but fall into deep thought. Although he trusted his subordinates, the fact that an Archduke far away in Europe knew the state of his country so clearly forced him to doubt the secrecy of his own staff.

Finally, Franz provided a solution: win over the Catholic Church, build good relations with the media, and simultaneously, Austria intended to sell a batch of arms to Mexico—twenty thousand rifles—and send two military observers and one professional tabloid editor.